USA, Old Dutch Place Names

USA, Old Dutch Place Names

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English

Dutch

Albany
Albany
Barnegat Bay
Barnstable Harbour
Bergen Fields > Bergenfield
Block Island
Bogota (NJ)
Bowery (N.Y.C)*
Broadway (Albany)
Broadway (N.Y.C)*
Brooklyn
Bushwick
C. Malabarra/ Monomio Point
C.Henlopen
Cape Cod
Cape James/ C.Cod
Cape May Point
Cape Montauk
Clinton Street (Albany)
Connecticut River
Delaware River
East River
Fishers island
Flatbush
Flatbush
Flatlands
Flushing
Fort Hamilton
Fort James
Fort Wadsworth
Gansevoort Street (N.Y.C)
Governors Island
Gravesend (NY)
Great Egg Harbour
Greenbush (NY)
Greenwich (NY)
Greenwich Village (N.Y.C)*
Hackensack River / Newark Bay
Harlem (N.Y.C)*
Haverstraw(NY)
Hells Gate (NY)
Hempstead
Hudson
Hudson River
Hurley
Jamaica
Jersey City
Kikeout (NJ)
Kingston
Kingston
Krippelbush (NY)
Lewes
Little Egg Harbour
Long Island
Martha’s Vineyard
Mill Lane (N.Y.C)*
Montauk Point
Mount Hope Bay
Murray Hill (N.Y.C)*
Mystic river
Nantucket Island
Nantucket Sound
Narraganset Bay
Naushon Island/ Elisabeth islands
New Castle (DW)
New Utrecht (street)(N.Y.C)
New York
New York C.
New York, Delaware, New Jersey
Newhaven
Newtown
No Mans Land
Old Saybrook
Oysterbay
Pearl Street (N.Y.C)*
Peconic Bay
Plum island
Provincetown
Quinnipiac River
Rhode Island
Sachem Head
Sandy Hook
Schenectady
State Street (Albany)
Staten Island
Stone Street (N.Y.C)*
Stuarts’ Bay/ Cape Cod Bay
Thames R
Tuckernuck Island
Walabout (?)
Wallabout
Westchester
Beverwijck
Willemstad
Barndegat
Staten bay
Schraalenburg
Adriaen Blocks Eylant
Achter Col Colony
de Bouwery
Handelaarsstraat
Heerestraat
Breuckelen
Boswyck
Vlacke Hoeck
C.Henlopen, Hinlopen
Nieu Hollant Peninsula
Staten hoeck ofte Witten Hoeck
C.de May
C. de Baye
Patroonstraat
Versse, Varsche Riv.
Suydt Rivier
Oost Rivier
Visschers Eylant
Amersfoort
Mitwout, Midwout
Nieuw Amersfoort
Vlissinge
Middelburg
Fort Willem Hendrick
Oude Dorp
Mill LaneOude Kill Straat
Nooten Eylant
Gravesant
Beeregat
Grenen bos, Greynenbos
‘t Greenwyck, ‘t Greenwijck
Bossen Bouwery, Noortwyck
Achter Col
Nieuw Haarlem
Haverstroo
Helle Gadt
Heemstede
Noordrivier
Noort rivier ofte Maurits rivier
Nieu Dorp, Nieuwdorp
Rustdorp
Pavonia
Kijkuit
Swaenenburgh
(Esopus) > Wiltwyck
Kreupelbosch
Swaenendael, Zwaanendael
Eyer Haven ofte Baye Haven
‘t Lange Eylant
Texel of Elisabets Eylandt
Joden Steeg (Jew’s lane,alley)
Visschers hoeck
Bay Nassou
Kip’s Bay
Sicanamos ofte Pequatos Riv
Vlielandt of Natocke
Zuyder Zee
Rivier Nassou
Cabbeljous Eylant
Niew-Amstel
Nieuw Utrecht
Maniates ofte* Nieu Amsterdam
Nieuw Orange
Nieuw Nederlandt/ Novum Belgium
Nieuhaven of Roodenberg
Middelburg
Hendrick Cristianes Eylant
Zeebroeck
Oesterbaai
Parel Straat
Cromme Gouwe
Pruym Eylant
Fuyckbay Harbour
Rodenberghs rivier
Rood Eylant
Rooy Duyns
Sant punt of Godyns punt
Corlaer
Jonkerstraat
Staten Eylandt
Brouwers Straat
Noordzee
Vriese Rivierken
Petockenock
Walenbocht
Waal-Bocht/Walenbocht
Oostdorp, Oude Dorp

USA Nieuw-Nederland:(1614-1674) Shipslist

USA Nieuw-Nederland:(1614-1674) Shipslist

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Sweden

voc

De Eendracht Sailed from Amsterdam January 25, 1624 to New Netherland
Nieuw Nederland (New Netherland Sailed from Amsterdam March 30, 1624 to New Netherland
Drie Koning (Three Kings) Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 1628
de Eendracht Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands May 1630
de Eendracht Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands after July 1631
Soutberg Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands after July 1632
de Eendracht Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands after May 1634
Rensselaerswyck Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands March 1637
Dolphyn Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 28 March 1638
Den Harinck Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 28 March 1638
Calmer Sleutel Arrived Delaware from Netherlands early 1638
Wapen van Noorwegian (Arms of Norway) Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands August 1638
Released Prisoners on the ship Erasmus van Rotterdam May 1638
De Liefde (The Love) Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 27 Dec. 1638
De Nassau Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 1638
Brant van Troyen (Fire of Troy) Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands June 1639
Den Harinck Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands July 1639
Den Waterhondt Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands Oct. 1640
Voyage of Ship Gelderland 1 September 1640 to 12 November 1641 from Texel
Eyckenboom Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands Aug. 1641
Brandaris Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 1641/42
Den Houten Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands Aug. 1642
Coninck David Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands
Wapen van Rensselaerswyck Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands March 1644
St. Peter Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands Dec. 1644
Mautirius Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands 1644
Jager (Hunter) Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands Sept. 1646
Prinses Amelia Arrived New Amsterdam May 1647 from Netherlands . Voyage from Netherlands to New Netherland, and a return voyage when she sank with a great loss of life.
Groote Gerrit Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands May 1647
Valckenier Arrived New Amsterdam from Netherlands July 1649
Hoff van Cleef 1651 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Gelderse Blom 1651/52 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Waterhondt 1651 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Groote Christoffel 1654 from Netherlands to New Netherland
St. Charles 1654 from Recife Brazil to New Netherland  
Gelderse Blom (Gelderland Flower) 1654 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Pereboom (Pear Tree) 1654 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Bonte Koe (Spotted Cow) 1655 from Netherlands to New Netherland t
Waegh 1655 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Blauwe Duiff (Blue Dove) Netherlands arrived 5 Sept. 1656 in New York
Bever 1656 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Bonte Koe 1656 from Netherlands to New Netherland
den Otter 1656 from Netherlands to New Netherland  
De Vergulde Otter (The Gilded Otter)1657 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Vergulde Beer (The Gilded Bear)1657/1658 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Draetvelt 1657 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Jan Baptiste 1657 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Brownfish 1658 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Gilded Beaver (De Vergulde Bever) 1658 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Moesman (The Market Gardener) May 1658 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Vergulde Meulen (Golden Mill) 1658 from Netherlands to New Netherland  
Otter 1659 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Beaver 1659 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Moesman (The Market Gardener) April 1659 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Faith (De Trouw)Feb. 1659
The Love 1660
De Moesman (The Market Gardener) March 1660
De Bonte Koe April 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Gilded Beaver (De Vergulde Bever) 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Trouw June 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Faith (De Trouw) Dec. 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Vergulde Otter (The Gilded Otter) 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Otter 1660 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Purmerland Church arrived 29 March 1661 New Amsterdam from Netherlands
Purmerland Church (Purmerender Kerck) Texel to New Amstel, Delaware Nov 24, 1661
The Beaver 1661 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The St. Jan Baptist 1661 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Hope 1661 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Golden Eagle 1661 from Netherlands to New Netherland z
The Golden Eagle Jan. 1662 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Hope Apr. 1662 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Faith (De Trouw) Mar. 1662 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Fox 1662 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Purmerland Kerk 1662 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Sint Pieter 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Stetin 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Star 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The St. Jacob, June 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Arent (The Eagle) March 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Roseboom 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
De Bonte Koe April 1663 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Faith (De Trouw) Jan. 1664 from Netherlands to New Netherland
The Eendracht Jan. 1664 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Beaver 1664 from Netherlands to New Netherland
Gekruyste Hart (Broken Heart) 1664 from Netherlands to New Netherland


USA, Forts in Nieuw Nederland, The Settlements

Forts in Nieuw Nederland, The Settlements

A fantastic site about the forts and their remains is The Virtual Tour of New Netherland
* Noten Eylandt
* Rensselaerwyck
* New Haarlem
* Noortwyck
* Beverwyck
* Wiltwyck
* Bergen
* Pavonia
* Vriessendael
* Achter Col
* Vlissingen
* Oude Dorpe
* Colen Donck
* Gravesende
* Breuckelen
* New Amersfoort
* Midwout
* New Utrecht
* Boswyck
* Nieuw Dorp
* Middleburgh
* Midwout
* New Utrecht
* Rensselaerswijck

Noten Eylandt -Governors Island  1611

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Governors_Island

Governors Island is a 172-acre (69 ha) island in Upper New York Bay, approximately one-half mile (1 km) from the southern tip of Manhattan Island and separated from Brooklyn by Buttermilk Channel. It is legally part of the borough of Manhattan in New York City. The island was expanded by approximately 82 acres (33 ha) of landfill on its southern side when the Lexington Avenue subway was excavated in the early 1900s.

First named by the Dutch explorer Adriaen Block, it was called Noten ....  read more

USA, Forts in Nieuw Nederland

Forts in Nieuw Nederland

A fantastic site about the forts and their remains is The Virtual Tour of New Netherland

Forts

* Fort Amsterdam
* Fort Nassau (North)
* Fort Orange
* Fort Nassau (South)
* Fort Goede Hoop
* De Wal
* Fort Casimir
* Fort Wilhelmus
* Fort Beversreede
* Fort Nya Korsholm
* Fort De Rondout
* Fort Ninigret
* Fort Pentagouet
* Fort Swaanendael

Fort Amsterdam

(subsequently named Fort James, Fort Willem Hendrick, Fort James (again), Fort William, Fort Anne and Fort George) was a fort on the southern tip of Manhattan
Manhattan is one of the five borough of New York City, located primarily on Manhattan Island at the mouth of the Hudson River.With a United States Census of 1,620,867 living in a land area of 22.96 square miles , Manhattan, coextensive with New York County, is the most population density county in the United States, that was the administrative headquarters for the Dutch and then British rule of New York from 1625 until being torn down in 1790 after the American Revolution
Dutch Rule (1625-1664)
The fort was the nucleus of the New Amsterdam settlement with a mission of protecting New Netherland colony operations in the Hudson River against attack from the English and the French.
Around 1620, the Dutch East India Company contacted the English architect Inigo Jones asking him to design a fortification for the harbor. Jones responded in a letter with a plan for a star-shaped fortification made of stone and lime and surrounded by a moat and defended with cannons. Jones advised the company against constructing a timber fort out of haste.
The building of the fort commenced in 1625, under the direction of Willem Verhulst, the second director of the New Netherland colony and his chief engineer Cryn Fredericks. By the end of the year, Fredericksz had surveyed the site. He returned to the Dutch Republic in November of 1626. At the time, Manhattan was only lightly settled, as most of the Dutch West India Company operations were upriver along the Hudson in order to conduct trading operation for beaver pelts.
Despite Jones’ plea in his letter, the plan for the masonry fortification was abandoned, however, out of the need for a hasty completion. This was due primarily to:
• the looming threat from England and France, which were also conducting beaver trade operations in North America. England, in particular, had laid claim to the region as well.
• the growing threat of the Mohawk-Mahican War in the upper Hudson Valley, which itself was partially the result of the fur trade operations there.
• the fact that the company was not turning a good profit, and thus the cost of a masonry fort was deemed too high.
• the lack of labor and natural resources to construct a proper masonry fort.
British Rule (1664-1673)
No shots were fired on August 27, 1664, when the Dutch surrendered the fort and Manhattan in what amounted to one of the skirmishes in the bigger Second Anglo-Dutch War. The fort was renamed Fort James in honor of James II of England. New Amsterdam was renamed New York in recognition of James title as Duke of York.
Dutch Rule (1673-1674)
In August 1673, the Dutch brought in a fleet of 21 ships and recaptured Manhattan. The fort was renamed Fort Willem Hendrick in honor of the Dutch leader who was Stadtholder and Prince of Orange. New York was renamed New Orange. The Dutch attack was part of the bigger Third Anglo-Dutch War. In 1674 the fort and New Orange was turned back over to the British in the Treaty of Westminster (1674) which ended the war (the Dutch got Suriname).
 

Fort Nassau 1617

http://www.answers.com/topic/fort-nassau

Fort Nassau. 1 Built (1614) on Castle Island, in the Hudson River, S of Albany, N.Y. The fort served as a trading post for the Dutch until 1617, when it was destroyed by flood and replaced (1624) by Fort Orange, built on the site of Albany. 2 Built (1623) by the Dutch on the eastern bank of the Delaware River near Gloucester City, N.J. The Dutch soon abandoned the fort, but after Swedish colonization in that area, the Dutch reoccupied it. Fear of Swedish competition in the fur trade caused Dutch Gov. Peter Stuyvesant to take over (1655) the Swedish forts on the Delaware basin. After the Swedes evacuated Fort Elfsborg, the Dutch destroyed Fort Nassau.

 Fort Oranje  1617

http://wapedia.mobi/en/Fort_Oranje

Fort Orange (Dutch: Fort Oranje) was the first permanent Dutch settlement in New Netherland and was on the site of the present-day city of Albany. It was a replacement for Fort Nassau, which had been built on nearby Castle Island in the Hudson River and which served as a trading post until 1617 or 1618, when it was abandoned due to frequent flooding. Both forts were named in honor of the Dutch House of Orange-Nassau. Fort Orange was a small wooden structure, erected in 1624 by the Dutch West India Company as a fur trading post on the west bank of the Hudson River. It became the company’s official outpost in the upper Hudson Valley, similar to the company’s many other headquarters throughout their worldwide trading empire. In 1664, when the English took control of New Netherland, Fort Orange was renamed Fort Albany. When the stockade was rebuilt on State Street hill in 1676, it was renamed Fort Frederick. Fort Orange was an entrepôt for beaver pelts and other goods. Fort Orange Archeological Site was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1993.

Orange-fort Albany

Orange-fort Albany

 

Fort Nassau South -Fort Christina -Fort Altena 1631

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Nassau_(South)

Fort Christina (later renamed Fort Altena) was the first Swedish settlement in North America and the principal settlement of the New Sweden colony. Built in 1638 and named after Queen Christina of Sweden, it was located approximately 1 mi (1.6 km) east of the present downtown Wilmington, Delaware, at the confluence of the Brandywine Creek and the Christina River, approximately 2 mi (3 km) upstream from the mouth of the Christina on the Delaware River. It was the first permanent European settlement in the Delaware Valley.

The Dutch, as part of the New Netherland colony, had previously attempted a settlement along Delaware Bay at Zwaanendael (near present-day Lewes) in 1631, but the colony had been massacred the following year by Native Americans. Following plans by King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden to establish a Swedish colony in North America, the Swedes arrived in Delaware Bay on March 29, 1638 aboard the ships Kalmar Nyckel and Fogel Grip under the command of Peter Minuit, the former director general of the New Netherland colony. They landed at a spot along the Christina River at the present site of Old Swedes Church in Wilmington. Minuit selected the site on the Christina River near the Delaware as being optimal for trade in beaver pelts with the local Lenape.

At the time, the Dutch had claimed the area south to the Delaware (then called “South River”). The Swedes claimed an area for the Realm of Sweden on the south side of the Delaware that encompassed much of the present-day U.S. state of Delaware, eventually including parts of present-day southeastern Pennsylvania and southern New Jersey on the north side of the river.

The colony remained in constant friction with the Dutch. In 1651, the Dutch under Peter Stuyvesant established Fort Casimir at present-day New Castle, only 7 mi (12 km) south of Fort Christina, in order to menace the Swedish settlement. In 1654, the Swedes captured Fort Casimir, but the following year in 1655, the Dutch took control of New Sweden, ending the official Swedish colonial presence in North America and renaming the fort ‘Fort Altena’. The land remained as part of New Netherland until it became part of the British Empire when an English fleet invaded the area in 1664.

The site was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1961. It is now preserved as Fort Christina State Park on E. 7th Street in Wilmington, along with a replica of the Kalmar Nyckel. The Fort Christina monument, designed by Swedish sculptor Carl Milles, stands on the site.

 

 

Fort Hoop (Dutch: Fort Huys de Goede Hoop 1623

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Goede_Hoop

Fort Hoop (Dutch: Fort Huys de Goede Hoop; Algic: Suckiaug) was a settlement in the seventeenth century colonial province of New Netherland that eventually developed into Hartford, Connecticut.

In 1623, the Geoctroyeerde Westindische Compagnie (GWC), commonly known in English as the Dutch West India Company 1621-1793 of the United Netherlands Dutch Republic built a fortified trading house of the Roman Castra design with a praetorium, castra ways, and gates. Fort Hoop was located on the south bank of the Little River (now Park River), a tributary river of the Versche or Fresh River (now the Connecticut River). The directors at Fort Orange (now Albany) and Fort Amsterdam (now New York City) had planned Fort Hoop to be the northeastern fortification and trading center of the GWC. Peter Minuit, Governor of the New Netherland, did not follow the line of building fortifications as in Roman design, possibly out of haste & lack of resources, poor leadership, or a combination of both.

The land on which Fort Huys de Goede Hoop was situate was part of a larger tract purchased on June 8, 1633, by Jacob van Curler on behalf of the company from the Sequins, one of the clans of Connecticut Indians.[1] Curler added a block house and palisade to the post while New Amsterdam sent a small garrison and a pair of cannons. Because of a perceived violation of an agreement, the Dutch seized the principal Pequot sachem Tatobem. They paid the Dutch a large ransom and received Tatobem’s murdered body in return. Tatobem’s successor was Sassacus.

The fort was commended by 1654 by the settlers to New England. English settlers from other New England colonies moved into the Connecticut Valley in the 1630s. In 1633, William Holmes led a group of settlers from Plymouth Colony to the Connecticut Valley, where they established Windsor, a few miles north of the Dutch trading post. In 1634, John Oldham and a handful of Massachusetts families built temporary houses in the area of Wethersfield, a few miles south of the Dutch outpost. In the next two years, thirty families from Watertown, Massachusetts joined Oldham’s followers at Wethersfield. The English population of the area exploded in 1636 when clergyman Thomas Hooker led 100 settlers, including Richard Risley, with 130 head of cattle in a trek from Newtown (now Cambridge) in the Massachusetts Bay Colony to the banks of the Connecticut River, where they established Hartford directly across the Park River from the old Dutch fort. In 1637, the three Connecticut River towns — Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield — set up a collective government in order to fight the Pequot War.

The location of this confluence of rivers is at contemporary Sheldon Street in Hartford. The fort is recalled today with a nearby avenue called Huyshope

Fort De Wal  1652
Wall Street

In July of 1652, war broke out between England and the Netherlands. As battle commenced in Europe and on the high seas, it also affected relations between the two nations’ respective North American colonies. Many New Englanders thought the time was right to overrun the Dutch colony to the south. In New Amsterdam, meanwhile, Director-General Petrus Stuyvesant, hunkered down within the walls of Fort Amsterdam, read dispatches from his superiors in the Netherlands telling him of recent events and instructing him to prepare for the worst.

It happened that the citizens of New Amsterdam had finally won from Stuyvesant and the government in the Netherlands a city charter. At last, after thirty years, New Amsterdam was a true city. As such, its first municipal governing body—the burgomasters and schepens—sat in February 1653. A few weeks later, on March 13, Stuyvesant called an extraordinary meeting consisting of his own council as well as the burgomasters and schepens—in effect, every political representative in the city and surrounding areas. The matter was simple: the English to their north were strong, and the Dutch defenses were weak. How could they protect themselves in the event of an invasion?

They quickly agreed to repair the fort, and to begin round-the-clock guards. But this wasn’t enough to ensure defense. They decided they needed to wall themselves in. The city was clustered at the southern tip of the island, and they decided that they would create a wall across the northern reaches of town. Thomas Baxter was charged with the task of producing logs for palisades. They were to be twelve feet high and eighteen inches thick. The wall would stretch from the East River straight across to the North (or Hudson) River. There would be a gate at de Heere Straat (later, Broadway).

Fort Wilhelmus 1625
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Wilhelmus

Fort Wilhelmus was a fort in the 17th century colonial province of New Netherland, located on what had been named Verhulsten Island on the Zuyd Rivier, today’s Delaware River. More a trading post more military installation, it was built in 1625 by colonialists from The Netherlands in the employ of the Dutch West India Company, with the intention of establishing a physical claim to the new territory and to engage in the fur trade with the indigenous population of Lenape and Minqua. The Walloon families had originally arrived at Noten Island (Governors Island) across from Fort Amsterdam in the Upper New York Bay, They had been sent south in order to begin the population of the province of New Netherland. They were later recalled back to New Amsterdam since the Dutch West India Company had decided to concentrate their settlement efforts along the North River, or Hudson River The fort was likely so called from Het Wilhelmus (Nl-Het Wilhelmus2.ogg pronunciation (help·info)) (English translation: The William), a song which tells of Willem van Oranje, his life and why he is fighting for the Dutch people. It became, in 1932, the national anthem of the Netherlands and is the oldest national anthem in the world Although it was not recognized as the official national anthem until 1932, it remained popular with the Dutch people since its creation.

 
Fort Beversreede 1648
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Beversreede#cite_note-2
Fort Beversreede (1648 – 1650 or 1651) was a Dutch-built palisaded log fort in New Netherland located along the eastern-side of the Schuylkill River in the Passyunk section of what is now Philadelphia.

A possible translation of Beversreede could be Beavers Gap, from bever or beaver and reet meaning opening or cleft, which would speak to the location of the fort.

Though never recognized by the Dutch, the region along the southern Delaware River was effectively under control of New Sweden which was first settled in 1638.

The fort was abandoned after being vandalized by Swedish settlers several times. The Swedes had built the stockaded 30-by-20-foot Fort New Korsholm directly in front of the Dutch fort in 1648 to intimidate its residents. It was not until 1655 that control of the area was regained in a military expedition led by Director-General of New Netherland Petrus Stuyvesant.

 
Fort Casimir  1651

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Casimir

Fort Casimir was a Dutch settlement in 17th century colonial province of New Netherland. It was located on the no-longer existing Sand Hook at the end of Chestnut Street in what is now New Castle, Delaware. The fort was possibly named for Ernst Casimir of Nassau-Dietz or his successor, Henry Casimir I of Nassau-Dietz, both counts of Nassau-Dietz and Stadtholders of Friesland, Groningen and Drenthe in the Netherlands.

Fort Casimir was established in 1651, the structure that had been Fort Nassau having been dismantled and relocated. It was briefly known as Fort Trefaldigheets, and later became New Amstel, and eventually New Castle

On Trinity Sunday in 1654, Johan Risingh, Commissary and Councilor to New Sweden Governor Lt. Col. Johan Printz, officially assumed his duties and began to extricate all Dutch from the Deleware River. Fort Casimir surrendered and was renamed Fort Trinity (in Swedish Fort Trefaldigheten). The Swedes were now in complete possession of their colony. On June 21, 1654, the Indians met with the Swedes to reaffirm their ownership.

Peter Stuyvesant led a Dutch force which retook the fort on September 11, 1655, renaming it New Amstel (in Dutch Nieuw Amstel). Subsequently, Fort Christina also fell on September 15th and all New Sweden came under the control of the Dutch. John Paul Jacquet was immediately appointed Governor, making New Amstel the capital of the Dutch-controlled colony.

In 1664, Stuyvesant peacefully surrendered control of Fort Amsterdam, and thereby, all of New Netherland to the British. They gave the settlement yet another name, New Castle.

 
Fort Nya Korsholm-Fort Elfsborg
http://www.nnp.org/vtour/regions/Delaware/fort_elfsborg.html
With the Dutch focusing their attention on the central part of their North American territory-the Hudson River-the Swedes made a surprise incursion into New Netherland in 1638, when they established their shortlived colony of New Sweden along the banks of the South (Delaware) River. This set off a military chess match between the two nations over control of the region, with each side attempting to outflank the other. The prize was the fur trade with the Indians of the Delaware region. The Dutch erected Fort Nassau on the Delaware River, near the confluence of the Schuylkill, at the site of present-day Gloucester, New Jersey, as a trading and military base. The Swedes, under the wily commander Johan Printz, countered this by building their post, Fort Elfsborg, further downriver, so that Dutch ships coming up from the bay would have to get by them first. The Dutch were enraged by this act of Printz’s, reporting that “He closes the entrance of the River so that all vessels…are compelled to cast anchor…to obtain his consent…”

But Fort Elfsborg-near the present city of Salem, New Jersey, was no nirvana. That area of the river was mostly swamp, and the soldiers garrisoned there were inundated by mosquitos, so much so, wrote a commander, that “From the continued stinging and sucking of the mosquitos the people were so swollen, that they appeared as if they had been affected with some horrible disease.” “Fort Myggenborgh” (Fort Mosquito), as it was not-so-affectionately nicknamed, was eventually abandoned, the soldiers succumbing not to enemy cannonfire but bites.

Fort Ronduyt 1666
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Rondout
Rondout (pronounced “ron doubt”, often mis-pronounced “ROUND OUT”) was a village located on the north side of Rondout Creek near its mouth on the Hudson River in Ulster County and includes the Rondout-West Strand Historic District.

The name of the Rondout Creek comes from the fort, or redoubt, that was erected near its mouth. The Dutch equivalent of the English word redoubt (meaning a fort or stronghold), is reduyt. In the Dutch records of Wildwyck, however, the spelling used to designate this same fort is invariably Ronduyt during the earliest period, with the present form rondout (often capitalized) appearing as early as November 22, 1666.

The Dutch word ronduyt is an adjective meaning “frankly” or “positively.” The word could also be broken down into its components and translated, literally, “round-out.” Most likely, this corrupting process merely represented the simplification of a word (reduyt).

Incorporated on April 4, 1849, Rondout served as a Hudson River port for the city of Kingston located about a mile distant. In 1828 it became the eastern terminus of the Delaware and Hudson Canal. From that time, it grew rapidly, until in 1872 it was merged with and became a part of the city of Kingston.

Prior to its incorporation, Rondout was known variously as “The Strand”, “Kingston Landing” and “Bolton”. “The Strand” is a Dutch derived reference to the beach once located on the north shore of the Rondout Creek. Its usage persists to the present (2006). “Kingston Landing” speaks for itself. “Bolton” was used to honor a president of the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company.

Much of the former village’s central area has survived intact and is part of the Rondout-West Strand Historic District, which was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1979.

The Rondout borders the Rondout creek. The creek empties into the Hudson through a large, protected tidal area which was the terminus of the Delaware & Hudson canal built to haul coal from Pennsylvania to New York City.

 
Fort Ninigret  1637
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Ninigret

Fort Ninigret is an historic fort or trading post site at Fort Neck Road in Charlestown, Rhode Island purportedly built and occupied by either Native Americans or early European settlers in the seventeenth century.

Archaeological excavations have shown that people lived on Fort Neck long before the Europeans arrived, although this was never a large village. But around 1620, many Niantic people (cousins and allies of the larger Narragansett Tribe) settled at this place—growing corn, making wampum (shell beads used as money by the Europeans), and trading with the Europeans for such things as beads, pipes, and copper kettles. By the 1630s, the Niantics had a young and powerful sachem—Ninigret, for whom the fort was later named.

Some historians have alleged that the fort was built by the Dutch West India Company or by Portuguese explorers prior to 1637 (in addition to the earlier trading post on nearby Dutch Island). One of the first printed references to Dutch forts in Rhode Island was Samuel Arnold’s 1858 “History of the State of Rhode Island.” According to historian Manuel da Silva:

In 1921-22 a European sword, cannnon and four skeletons were found near the site, allegedly lending credence to the theory that this was a European fort or a trading post used by Native Americans for trading with Europeans. The artifacts are now in the possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society.

King Philip’s War (1675-76) cemented English rule over most of the Indian lands of Rhode Island, but a reservation encompassing much of today’s Charlestown was set aside for the tribe. Many Narragansetts had joined Ninigret’s people for safety, and soon the name Niantic fell out of use. Here at Fort Ninigret, tribal members lived in wigwams into the 18th century. Nearby stood the European style house of the sachems, who sold off tribal property to Englishmen to pay their debts. By the 19th century Fort Neck was the last piece of land held in common by the Narragansett Tribe that had access to salt water.

In the 1880s, the state declared the Narragansett Tribe extinct. As part of this detribalization, the state transformed the remains of Fort Ninigret into a monument to the now ‘vanished’ tribe. They planted trees, reshaped the earthen banks of the fort, and put up the iron fence, and in the middle of the fort they set a boulder, inscribed with these words:

Memorial to the Niantics and Narragansetts Unwavering friends and allies of our forefathers.

Ironically, a member of the Tribe spoke at the monument’s dedication. In 1983 the Federal Government acknowledged that the Narragansetts were still alive and well in Rhode Island, and they were once again recognized as a tribe. Today Fort Ninigret is maintained by the Rhode Island Department of Environmental Management and the Charlestown Historical Society.

Fort Ninigret was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1970. During the 1970s, archaeological excavations were conducted at Fort Ninigret by the Rhode Island Historical Preservation Commission and by archaeologists from New York University.

 
 
Fort Pentagouet 1674
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Pentagouet
Fort Pentagouet was a French constructed fort from the early times of Acadia. The French were expanding their activities into the Penobscot area which was a rich fur trading area. The fort was situated near present day Castine, Maine, and represented the western boundary of Acadia.

Construction was undertaken over a period of time after 1613 by Claude de Saint-Étienne de la Tour with probable assistance from his son, Charles de Saint-Étienne de la Tour. The fort was a combined fortified trading post and fishing station. The location is often described as the first permanent settlement in New England.

About 1626, the French were routed on behalf of the Plymouth Colonists and possession remained in British hands until 1635, although control of the area had formally been given back to France by treaty, and more specifically to the control of the Compagnie des Cent-Associés, in 1630. In 1635, Acadian governor, Isaac de Razilly sent Charles de Menou d’Aulnay to re-establish French control.

Some details about ensuing years are well documented. On September 2, 1654, British colonial troops under Robert Sedgwick drove the French out and sacked the fort. The Treaty of Breda in 1667, returned Acadian territory to the French but because the settlements were not specified, Pentagouet was finally under French rule again on 17 July 1670. We also know that In 1671, the Intendant of New France, Jean Talon, sent Hugues Randin to the western boundary of Acadia do a condition report on the fort.

The fort was captured by Dutch navy captain Jurriaen Aernoutsz in 1674 during the Franco-Dutch War. Aernoutsz also captured Fort Jemseg, and claimed Acadia as the Dutch colony of New Holland. However, once Aernoutsz himself left Acadia in search of new Dutch settlers, administrator John Rhoades was unable to maintain control of Acadia, which quickly reverted back to France after Rhoades was captured by the English. The Netherlands continued to claim sovereignty over the region on paper, appointing Cornelius Van Steenwyk as governor in 1676. Steenwyk sent a Dutch expedition to reclaim Pentagouet, although this attempt was rebuffed by three British warships from Boston. The Dutch colonial claim over Acadia was surrendered in 1678 by the Treaties of Nijmegen.

Fort Swaanendael  1630
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zwaanendael_Colony
Zwaanendael or Swaanendael was a Dutch colonial settlement in Delaware. It was built in 1631. The name is archaic Dutch spelling for “swan valley”. The site of the settlement later became the town of Lewes, Delaware.

Two directors of the Amsterdam chamber of the Dutch West India Company, Samuel Blommaert and Samuel Godyn, bargained with the natives for a tract of land reaching from Cape Henlopen to the mouth of Delaware river. This was in 1629, three years before the charter of Maryland, and is the oldest deed for land in Delaware. Its water-front nearly coincides with the coast of Kent and Sussex Counties.. The purchase was ratified in 1630 by Peter Minuit and his council at Fort Amsterdam.

A company including, besides the two original proprietors, Kiliaen van Rensselaer, De Laet, the historian, and David Pietersen de Vries was formed to colonize the tract. A ship of eighteen guns was fitted out to bring over the colonists and subsequently defend the coast, with incidental whaling to help defray expenses. A colony of more than thirty people was planted on Lewes creek, a little north of Cape Henlopen, and its governorship was entrusted to Gillis Hosset. This settlement antedated by several years any in Pennsylvania, and the colony at Lewes practically laid the foundation and defined the singularly limited area of the state of Delaware, the major part of which was included in the purchase. A palisaded fort was built, with the “red lion, rampant,” of Holland affixed to its gate, and the country was named Swaanendael or Zwaanendael Colony, while the water was called Godyn’s bay. The estate was further extended, on May 5, 1630, by the purchase of a tract twelve miles square on the coast of Cape May opposite, and the transaction was duly attested at Fort Amsterdam.

The existence of the little colony was short, for the Indians came down upon it in revenge for an arbitrary act on the part of Hosset, and it was destroyed, with no Dutch escaping to tell the tale. The details of the attack were recounted to Dutch observers by Nanticoke Indians:

“He then showed us the place where our people had set up a column to which was fastened a piece of tin, whereon the arms of Holland were painted. One of their chiefs took this off, for the purpose of making tobacco-pipes, not knowing that he was doing amiss. Those in command at the house made such an ado about it that the Indians, not knowing how it was, went away and slew the chief who had done it, and brought a token of the dead to the house to those in command, who told them that they wished that they had not done it; that they should have brought him to them, as they wished to have forbidden him not to do the like again. They went away, and the friends of the murdered chief incited their friends, as they are a people like the Indians, who are very revengeful, to set about the work of vengeance. Observing our people out of the house, each one at his work, that there was not more than one inside, who was lying sick, and a large mastiff, who was chained, – had he been loose they would not have dared to approach the house, – and the man who had command standing near the house, three of the stoutest Indians, who were to do the deed, bringing a lot of bear-skins with them to exchange, sought to enter the house. The man in charge went in with them to make the barter, which being done, he went to the loft where the stores lay, and in descending the stairs one of the Indians seized an axe and cleft his head so that he fell down dead. They also relieved the sick man of life, and shot into the dog, who was chained fast, and whom they most feared, twenty-five arrows before they could dispatch him. They then proceeded towards the rest of the men, who were at work, and, going amongst them with pretensions of friendship, struck them down. Thus was our young colony destroyed, causing us serious loss.”

In 1633, de Vries negotiated a treaty with the Indians and sailed up the Delaware River, attempting to trade for beans and corn. Failing his objective there, de Vries sailed to Virginia, where was successful in obtaining provisions for the colonists in Zwaanendael, to which he returned.[2] He subsequently took the colonists to New York and then back to Europe.

According to acknowledged precedent, occupancy of the wilderness served to perfect title ; but before the Dutch could reoccupy the desolated site at Lewes, the English were practically in possession.

Later Blommaert assisted with the fitting out of the first Swedish expedition to New Sweden in 1637 and engaged Peter Minuit to command it.

Franciscus van den Enden had drawn up charter for a utopian society (that included equal education of all classes, joint owership of property, and a democratically elected government. . Pieter Corneliszoon Plockhoy attempted such a settlement near the site of Zwaanendael, but it soon expired under English rule.

USA New amsterdam, maps

New amsterdam

The Maps

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

Amsterdam Fort

 

Amsterdam Fort

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland

 

City View

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

The Indian Villages

The City

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

The People

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

New Netherland, Nieuw Nederland, Fort Amsterdam

 

De Eendracht Sailed from Amsterdam January 25, 1624 to New Netherland

USA Nieuw Nederland 1626-1664 / 1665-1667

USA Nieuw Nederland 1626-1664 / 1665-1667

Nieuw-Amsterdam

Nieuw-Amsterdam-ofte-nue-Nieuw-Iorx-opt’-teylant-Man-hatten-1664

See also : 1609 De vergeten geschiedenis van Hudson, Amsterdam en New York !

 

Nieuw-Nederland

Nieuw-Nederland-map-1650

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch_colonization_of_the_Americas

In 1602, the government of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands chartered the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), or VOC with the mission of exploring it for a passage to the Indies and claiming any uncharted areas for the United Provinces, which led to several significant expeditions.

In 1609, the VOC commissioned English explorer Henry Hudson who, in an attempt to find the so-called northwest passage to the Indies, discovered and claimed for the VOC parts of the present-day United States and Canada. In the belief that it was the best route to explore, Hudson entered the Upper New York Bay sailed up the river that now bears his name. In 1614, Adriaen Block led an expedition to the lower Hudson in the Tyger, and then explored the East River aboard the Onrust, becoming the first known European to navigate the Hellegat enter Long Island Sound. Block Island and its sound were named after him. Upon returning, Block compiled a map, the first to apply the name “New Netherland” to the area between English Virginia and French Canada, where he was later granted exclusive trading rights by the Dutch government. Area claimed by the Dutch in 1660

After some early trading expeditions, the first Dutch settlement in the Americas was founded in 1615: Fort Nassau, on Castle Island in the Hudson, near present-day Albany. The settlement served mostly as a trade post for fur trade with the natives and was later replaced by Fort Oranje (in English: Fort Orange) at present-day Albany. Both forts were named in honor of the Dutch House of Orange-Nassau.

In 1621, a new company was established with a trading monopoly in the Americas and West Africa: the Dutch West India Company (Westindische Compagnie or WIC). The WIC sought recognition for the area in the New World – which had been called New Netherland – as a province, which was granted in 1623. Soon after, the first colonists, mostly from present-day Belgium and Germany, arrived in the new province. That same year the construction of several fortified trading posts began including the Fort Huys de Goede Hoop (in English, Fort House of Good Hope), now known as Hartford, Connecticut.

In 1626, Director-General of the WIC Peter Minuit purchased the island of Manhattan from Indians and started the construction of fort New Amsterdam. In the same year, another Fort Nassau (not the one near Albany) was built on the Delaware River in southern New Jersey. Other settlements were Fort Casimir (Newcastle) and Fort Beversrede (Philadelphia). Fort Huys de Goede Hoop was completed in 1633. By 1636, the English from Newtown now known as Cambridge, Massachusetts settled on the north side of the Little River, now buried under the Whitehead Highway of Hartford. By 1653, the English had overtaken this Dutch trading post. In 1655, the main settlement of New Sweden, Fort Christina, was captured after the Swedes had briefly occupied Fort Casimir.

Many of the inhabitants of these settlements were not ethnically Dutch, but came from a variety of other European countries. A significant number of immigrants to New Netherland were Protestants of English or French Huguenot background, including the Louis Dubois colony, which settled New Paltz, making a private treaty with the local Native Americans to purchase a large tract of land from the Hudson River to the mountains. Later, under English rule, this self-governing colony, ruled by Dubois and 11 others on their unique duzine, continued to prosper and today the village boasts the oldest street in North America with the original stone houses.

In 1664, English troops under the command of the Duke of York and Albany (later James II of England) attacked the New Netherland colony. Being greatly outnumbered, Director-General Peter Stuyvesant surrendered New Amsterdam, with Fort Orange following soon. New Amsterdam was renamed New York (from James’s English title), Fort Orange was renamed Fort Albany (from James’s Scottish title).

The loss of the New Netherland province led to the Second Anglo–Dutch War during 1665–1667. This conflict ended with the Treaty of Breda in which the Dutch gave up their claim to New Netherland in exchange for Suriname.

From 1673 to 1674, the territories were once again briefly captured by the Dutch in the Third Anglo–Dutch War, only to be returned to England at the Treaty of Westminster. In 1674, Dutch navy captain Jurriaen Aernoutsz also briefly captured two forts in the French colony of Acadia, which he claimed as the Dutch territory of New Holland. However, Aernoutsz’s appointed administrator, John Rhoades, quickly lost control of the territory after Aernoutsz himself left for Curaçao to seek out new settlers, and with effective control of Acadia remaining in the hands of France, Dutch sovereignty existed only on paper until the Netherlands surrendered their claim in the Treaties of Nijmegen.

 

 

 
 
 

Captain Hudson Voyage

Zijnde de Noordelyckste Zeekusten van America
van Groenland door de Straet Davis en de Straet Hudson tot Terra Neuf 1676
Opslaan
The end of New Hollandt

USA Nieuw-Nederland: (Nieuw-Zweden) (1614-1674)

USA Nieuw-Nederland: (Nieuw-Zweden) (1614-1674)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Sweden

By the middle of the 17th century, the Realm of Sweden had reached its greatest territorial extent and was one of the great powers of Europe. Sweden then included Finland and Estonia along with parts of modern Russia, Poland, Germany and Latvia. The Swedes sought to expand their influence by creating an agricultural (tobacco) and fur-trading colony to bypass French and British merchants. The New Sweden Company was chartered and included Swedish, Dutch and German stockholders. The first Swedish expedition to North America embarked from the port of Gothenburg in late 1637. It was organized and overseen by Clas Fleming, a Swedish Admiral from Finland. A Dutchman, Samuel Blommaert, assisted the fitting-out and appointed Peter Minuit to lead the expedition. The members of the expedition, aboard the ships Fogel Grip and Kalmar Nyckel, sailed into Delaware Bay, which lay within the territory claimed by the Dutch, passing Cape May and Cape Henlopen in late March 1638, and anchored at a rocky point on the Minquas Kill that is known today as Swedes’ Landing on March 29, 1638. They built a fort on the present site of the city of Wilmington, which they named Fort Christina, after Queen Christina of Sweden. In the following years, 600 Swedes and Finns, the latter group mainly Forest Finns from central Sweden (and also a number of Dutchmen and Germans in Swedish service) settled in the area. The settlement constituted an invasion of New Netherland, since the river and the land in question had previously been explored and claimed for that colony.

Peter Minuit was to become the first governor of the newly established colony of New Sweden. Having been the Director of the Dutch West India Company, and the predecessor of then-Director William Kieft, Minuit knew the status of the lands on either side of the Delaware River at that time. He knew that the Dutch had established deeds for the lands east of the river (New Jersey), but not for the lands to the west (Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania). Minuit made good on his appointment by landing on the west bank of the river and gathered the sachems of the local Delawares tribe. Sachems of the Susquehannocks were also present. They held a conclave in his cabin on the Kalmar Nyckel, and persuaded the sachems to sign some deeds he had prepared for the purpose to solve any issue with the Dutch. This deed has not survived. The Swedes said the segment of land purchased included the land on the west side of the South River from just below the Schuylkill; in other words, today’s Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, southeast Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland. The Delaware sachem Mattahorn, who was one of the participants in the transaction, stated that only as much land as was contained within “six trees” was purchased and the rest of the land occupied by the Swedes was stolen.Director Kieft objected to the landing of the Swedes, but Minuit ignored his missive because he knew that the Dutch were militarily impotent at the moment. Minuit finished Fort Christina during 1638, then departed to return to Stockholm for a second load, and made a side trip to the Caribbean to pick up a shipment of tobacco for resale in Europe to make the voyage profitable. Minuit died while on this voyage during a hurricane at St. Christopher in the Caribbean. The official duties of the first governor of New Sweden were carried out by Lieutenant (then raised to the rank of Captain) Måns Nilsson Kling, until the next governor was chosen and brought in from the mainland Sweden, two years later.

Zuid-rivier-(Delaware-river) eploitation

Canada: Acadia (1674)

Canada: Acadia (1674)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch_Occupation_of_Acadia

The Dutch Occupation of Acadia began in 1674, when the Dutch naval Captain Jurriaen Aernoutsz briefly occupied French-held areas of Acadia. Areas occupied included coastal towns along Maine and New Brunswick, two forts, and a French military headquarters. The last formal Dutch claim to Acadia was in 1676, but effective control of any territory ended much earlier. Attack In 1672 the Franco-Dutch War began, and England allied itself with the French. England and the Netherlands came to terms early in 1674, several months before the July day when Captain Jurriaen Aernoutsz sailed into New York harbor. Previously he had been sailing the North Atlantic Ocean looking for English and French Ships to attack.[1] In New York he met a trader named John Rhoades, a Massachusetts resident thoroughly familiar with the fur trade on the coasts of Maine and Acadia, who told him that the Dutch were no longer at war with the English, but that France had yet to come to terms. Rhoades went on to explain to Aernoutsz that the French colony in Acadia was barely defended and ripe for conquest. Aernoutsz took this suggestion to his a crew and they agreed unanimously.[2] John Rhoades would be the crews guide. Aernoutsz immediately set sail for Fort Pentagouet in Penobscot Bay. There were only 30 French soldiers in the fort and they were lightly armed. The Dutchmen took the fort easily. While they were there they also took the French Military Headquarters. Following this, they sailed to Jemseg and captured another French fort there. At both places, Aernoutsz buried bottles with messages inside them proclaiming that “Acadie” was to be Dutch possession and henceforward known as “New Holland”.[3]The commander of the Forts, Jacques de Chambly, was taken prisoner by the Dutch at this time.[4] Aernoutsz sailed to Boston where he disposed of his plunder, even selling the cannon from Fort Pentagouet to the Massachusetts government. Some time in October 1674 he sailed for Curaçao, but left his prisoners and a number of his company in Boston, including John Rhoades.[5] Aernoutsz’s efforts were soon negated by the action of Massachusetts. John Rhoades and the other men Aernoutsz had left in Boston, acting under Aernoutsz’s orders to return to Acadia and maintain possession, began seizing New England vessels coming to trade with the Native Americans. Massachusetts apprehended Rhoades and his cohorts and tried them as pirates. Ultimately they were all released or banished from Massachusetts.[6][5][7] In September 1676 the Dutch West India Company made a belated effort to capitalize on Aernoutsz’s conquest by granting Rhoades a commission to reside and trade in Acadia and by appointing Cornelis van Steenwijck, a Dutch merchant in New York, governor of the “coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie.”[8] Although the territory was claimed by the Dutch, they had no real power over the area. Later in 1676, the two forts were reoccupied by the French.[8] The dispute over the colony was resolved by the Treaty of Nijmegen in 1678, in which the Dutch withdrew their claim to the colony. The treaty, which did not mention the claim, also ended the Franco-Dutch War.

Canada: Jemseq (Nieuw-Brunswijk) (1674)

Canada: Jemseq (Nieuw-Brunswijk) (1674)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jemseg,_New_Brunswick

The first trading post at Jemseg was built near the mouth of the river in 1659 by Col. Thomas Temple. This was a fortified post convenient for trade with the Maliseet. ....  read more

1609 The forgotten history of Hudson, Amsterdam and New York

1609 The forgotten history of Hudson, Amsterdam and New York

http://www.henryhudson400.com/uploads/fck/1609_theforgottenhistory.pdf

Henry Hudson in Amsterdam By Geert Mak

Henry Hudson in Amsterdam that fall of 1608. Many currently well-known buildings and towers were missing on the town horizon. The big merchant houses at the Prince Hendrik quay were still to be built. The city ended approximately where its center now lies, and the bustle was of a totally different character too. Most of the buildings were half the size they are at present. A fortification like the Weeping Tower – now an old café you casually pass – was then a powerful fist thrusting into the harbor. What Hudson saw, from the place where the Central Station now stands, was a forest of masts and towers, riddled with sails, pennants and flags. Beyond lay a city on the move; a bevy of ships, cranes, dock-hands, workmen and other folk. In front of all that, however, a curious transition area was located, a salty, sloshing and tranquil water landscape, a long strip of old jetties, rotting bollards, wooden watch houses, and everywhere bobbing ships, small and large. Our sailor first had to pass through this flurry of activity, before he could penetrate the thicket of the Warmoesstraat and the Nes – then the busiest streets in the city – and before he would pay his respects at one of the merchant houses in the now infamous red-light district, then n the autumn of 1608 an English sailor arrived in Amsterdam: a rash Briton who would achieve world fame because of a journey he himself regarded as a failure, a certain Henry Hudson. The sailor probably began his acquaintance with the city at the same place as the present-day rail traveler: the old harbor. In the months to follow the city and sailor would become involved with each other a great deal; in fact they would write world history together – though in a totally different way from what either foresaw. The city had already existed for a couple of centuries, but Amsterdam was still young, was made with such innovations as a commodity exchange, a unique trading place for merchants, and also an exchange bank that modernized currency exchange in a profound way. For the first time in the history of commerce any currency in the world could be traded for stable certificates. Furthermore that winter the greatest city expansion plan in Europe since Roman times was diligently being drawn: three grand canals, plus a working-class district and a town rampart that would enclose the old city. About a year later definitive decisions would be made about the design of this growing city. Meanwhile tens of thousands of newcomers remained outside the gates, as we can read in contemporary journals, living in “humble dwellings” or in slums against the city wall, and in its niches. Along the paths and polder ditches – especially around the western city gate – lay districts–populated with workshops, modest houses or huts, often with vegetable gardens and pig sties–largely habited by immigrants. In the last decades of the 16th century the population of Amsterdam had tripled and a huge part of this new citizenry came from the Southern Netherlands. home to one of the most stately of canals. To take care of business, Hudson would make his way to a brand new building: the East India House – now a university complex, then the center of the first multinational company in the world, the Dutch East India Company. Henry Hudson perceived the city during one of the most important transitions in its history. Here and there in Amsterdam rows of wooden houses from the Middle Ages still existed, with pointy, tilting facades such as you can sometimes still find in small German towns. While the young Dutch Republic was still at war with feudal Spain, negotiations had been started, and the following year an armistice would be signed. The city still lay packed tightly within its old walls and gates. For most of his business Hudson had to walk only a couple of minutes. His most important patron, the merchant Dirck Van Os, lived in the Nes, so that most discussions about routes and maps took place in the nearby Saint Olof Chapel. His other patrons resided in the East India House, and of course he often passed through the Dam Square, the administrative and governmental heart of the city. But that same year, 1608, a new beginning the Amsterdam publishing industry achieved international fame. The Sephardic Jews lay the foundations for the tobacco trade and the diamond industry. Even the language changed: the traditional Amsterdam dialect was gradually being replaced by Antwerp slang. It was because of these networks – along with their knowledge of the Portuguese voyages of exploration that had reached the Dutch Republic through the grapevine – that the citizens of Amsterdam succeeded in breaching the Portuguese trade monopoly first in Africa, and later in Asia. In March 1594 nine merchants met at the wine house of Martin Spil in the Warmoesstraat – among them Dirck Van Os, Reynier Pauw, Pieter Dircksz. Hasselaer and Arent ten Grootenhuys – men Hudson would later have dealings with. They agreed to collectively equip an expedition to the Far East. Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman, four ships were sent off, of which, after two long years, only three returned. The profits were meager and a distressing number of the crew did not survive the journey, but one fact had been proven: a direct crossing from the Netherlands to Southeast Asia was feasible. Antwerp had been deserted after the Spaniards conquered the city in 1585, and the Dutch Republic had blocked the River Schelde, the lifeline of Antwerp’s harbor. Tens of thousands of Protestants and other dissidents, including many rich merchants and artisans, had moved north to Amsterdam, taking with them their knowledge, skills and trade networks. Because of the persecutions of the Spanish Inquisition, there were Sephardic Jews among the displaced. At first driven north from the Iberian peninsula, they initially arrived in Antwerp. But after the collapse of Antwerp, they moved north again, especially to Amsterdam. All these immigrants arrived at exactly the right time in the right place– something that does not always happen in history. In the burgeoning Republic there was a great demand for new trade connections and for artisans to produce luxury products. Within one generation the immigrants from the Southern Netherlands controlled a third of the Amsterdam staples market. Their craftsmen introduced the silk industry and sugar refineries. They brought with them new painting techniques and thanks to them, along with the relative tolerance of the city administration, fortifications at the Cape – later Cape Town – and in Southeast Asia – Batavia, today Jakarta – though they never actually colonized these areas. The Dutch East India Company remained a trading operation, powerful and violent indeed, but ultimately a business, that operated along the coasts of Africa and the archipelago of Southeast Asia. For this multinational enterprise the trade among the nations of Southeast Asia, China, India, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and the rest of Asia was at least as important as European trade with the East. Henry Hudson was also confronted with this dynamic community of immigrants in the growing city. One of them was Dirck Van Os, the person who would eventually sign his contract, a member of an eminent family from Antwerp who had made his fortune in Amsterdam as a grain- and wood merchant, trading with Russia and the Baltic states. He was a founder of the City Exchange Bank and headed the reclamation of the Beemster, one of the oldest polders, or wetlands, in Holland, but he was also one of the founders of the Dutch East India Company. The oldest stock certificate in the world that still exists, a Dutch East India Company share from September 1606, Only one year later 22 ships from Holland and the southern province of Zeeland set sail for the rich Spice Islands, and by 1602 an impressive 65 ships had set sail for the East. The Portuguese could not maintain their trade monopoly to Southeast Asia; the number of seafarers that sailed from Lisbon declined dramatically. In the 17th century a safe trade route to the East was worth more than gold. Along with pepper, trade also included rubber, ivory, sugar and from Africa, gold. The Dutch approach to this high stakes gamble was to share the risk. An Amsterdam ship owner did not own a ship, but bought a part: sometimes only a tenth, or in some cases a share in the ownership of tens of ships. Through such joint enterprises, named compagnieën – companies – the Dutch merchants financed the most risky ventures: even if they all failed, their losses would be limited. In 1602 the companies that sailed Southeast Asia merged into the Verenigde Oost- Indische Compagnie (VOC) or the Dutch East India Company: the first multinational in the world. For two centuries the Dutch East India Company would monopolize all Dutch trade with and shipping to Asia. Furthermore, they built hazardous expeditions of the Dutch East India Company, and a fundamentalist theologian who in 1601 had pleaded for a prohibition of public services for Lutherans, because they had a different viewpoint than he had in certain doctrines. At first Plancius succeeded in his mission; the merchant mayors that governed the city swallowed his theological disquisitions, as long as he provided them with the results of his study of his globes. His cartographic knowledge after all was indispensable for further expeditions. But they rapidly changed opinion when the Lutheran Baltic states, as well as the King of Denmark, took a stand for their fellow believers. They did not want to offend such important trading partners. The Lutherans regained their rights. Even when it came to matters of the soul and salvation, within certain boundaries, the highest bidder prevailed. In 1608 a typical incident occurred in the Republic, a story saved from oblivion by Voltaire who recounted it in his historic treatises. The Marquis Spinola and the diplomat Richardot were on their way to The Hague as part of a distinguished Spanish delegation to negotiate a is signed by Van Os and fellow director Arent ten Grootenhuys. For years Van Os had conducted his Russian trade in close partnership with Isaac Le Maire, also a southerner, from Doornik, today a city in Belgium. Together they gave birth to the Dutch East India Company, but three years later Le Maire left the Company after a charge of fraud, and probably fell out with his old companion Van Os too. Hudson also became part of this feud. The vindictive Le Maire has made his mark in history as the inventor of the practice called “naked short selling.” In 1609 when he decided to get rid of his stake in the Dutch East India Company, he speculated on falling prices, even selling more shares than he owned, in the hope that he could buy them back later for lower prices. This ploy is still a favorite activity at the world’s stock exchanges, especially for hedge funds that don’t shy away from risks. That winter Hudson also had intensive contact with the Flemish Petrus Platevoet – who had Romanized his name to Petrus Plancius – a fierce Calvinistic clergyman, as well as one of the most important map makers of the Republic. He was both the driving force behind several fashioned zealot who simultaneously was a forerunner of modern cartography. And Reinier Pauw, another director of the Dutch East India Company had been the mayor, eight times, of the rapidly changing Amsterdam, as shown in a portrait by Jan Ravensteyn wearing dark, modest and unfashionable clothing with no hint of either his authority or his wealth. Especially in the sea provinces, feudal relations were almost nonexistent. The value system placed money on a higher scale than family connections, prestige, or even respectability. “In this city there’s not a person who doesn’t trade,” wrote French philosopher René Descartes, when he landed in Amsterdam around 1635. “Everybody is so fulfilled with his own profit, that I could live here my whole life without being noticed by anyone.” The British historian J.L. Price would later compare the stories of foreign visitors of the young Republic with the experiences of young Europeans nowadays who see America for the first time: everything seemed familiar, but was in fact a quarter of a turn different. What disoriented 17th century visitors to Amsterdam was the open political debate, the shocking religious treaty with the Dutch. En route they saw a party of ten men disembark a simple small boat, sit down on the grass and consume a meal of beer, bread and cheese; everyone brought his own provisions. From a nearby farmer the diplomats learned to their amazement who these people were: “These are the delegates of our States, our independent lords and masters.” It was, in short, the Dutch delegation with whom the Spanish delegation would have to negotiate on equal terms in the weeks to come. The Spaniards and French could not stop remarking on the simple lifestyle that even the elite maintained, though the Dutch found it perfectly normal. Without any doubt it had something to do with fact that prosperity, power and wealth had arrived really quite abruptly to this generation of citizens. Hudson’s patrons were multifaceted men. For instance, Pieter Dircksz. Hasselaer, had as a young man played a heroic role in the Spanish siege of Haarlem in 1573 during the Dutch war of independence. Now Hasselaer, one of the richest merchants of the Republic, sent out expeditions to Asia and to the outer edges of the pole. The same diversity of interest marked the life and notions of Petrus Plancius: the old25 cost mounds of money and blocked free trade. Yet the stadhouder, Prince Maurits, had aspirations to the throne and wanted to continue fighting in order to “liberate” the Southern Netherlands as well. A raging pamphlet war occurred between the Orangists, or royalists, and Van Oldebarneveldt’s peace party. The power base of the Republic, Amsterdam, supported the Prince, but entirely for its own reasons: the Spaniards were willing to recognize the Republic as a sovereign state if the Dutch agreed to withdraw from Asia and the Atlantic area. Van Oldebarneveldt was not disposed to this strategy, because waging a war and maintaining an army of 60,000 men consumed a great deal of money. Furthermore, he argued, if peace returned, the declining trade with Southern Europe would resume quickly. On the other hand, the merchants of Amsterdam feared a peace treaty would put an end to their new trade in Asia and South America, as well as to their lucrative piracy of Spanish ships. And clergyman Plancius the uncompromising Calvinist and founder of the Dutch East India Company, certainly did not want to hear about peace. Meanwhile we know very little about the tolerance, the unlimited urbanization, and the new humanism in a Europe that still was profoundly conservative. In some ways the Republic was old-fashioned too. The organization of the trades followed the medieval guild structure, but in economic and social life, the Netherlands was far ahead of the rest of Europe. Or, as Price argues, it was a small, prematurely capitalistic outpost in a Europe that remained mainly medieval. In a word, since the 1590’s these calm territories had been struck by a spirit of courage bordering on euphoria. Amsterdam was well on its way to becoming the financial center of the known world. Throughout society Dutch people shared in the success of trade and shipping. In the stock registers of the Dutch East and West India Companies appear thousands of names, ranging from mayors and merchants to clergymen, school teachers and even servants. The harsh social realities of the 16th century were a distant memory. Still, during that winter of 1608 into 1609, internal tensions about the war with Spain mounted. The most powerful official of the Dutch Republic, Grand Pensionary Van Oldebarneveldt, wanted to rapidly terminate the hostilities that past of our British sailor. When Henry Hudson turned up in Amsterdam, he was about forty years old, an experienced captain with three sons – his first grandchild had just been born – who in the last years had acquired a certain renown for his quests to find a northern passage to Southeast Asia and China. There were two possible routes: northwest via Canada, or northeast, around Russia. If a northern route existed, it would offer important advantages over the existing route to Asia, around the Cape of Good Hope. It would avoid the problems with the heat, and long-lasting calms, plus the many pirates who waited in ambush along the southern routes. Fifteen years earlier, Dirck Van Os and his fellow merchants had sent out three expeditions to the north, encouraged by Petrus Plancius who was convinced of the possibilities of such a passage. From behind his globes in the Saint Olof Chapel, Plancius propagated the theory – derived from the British adventurer Robert Thorne – that the five months of continuous sunshine in the pole area had to generate so much heat in the summer that the pole was warmer – even ice free – than the surrounding, southern seas. Behind the cold barrier, blocked by icebergs and other obstacles, he speculated, a milder zone had to exist. The last Dutch expedition, led by Willem Barentszoon in 1596, was stranded in the drifting ice of Nova Zembla in the Artic Ocean. Crew members withstood a horrifying winter in a house built out of wreckage. Twelve members of the crew eventually managed to return to Amsterdam in one piece, with tales that would give chills to many generations of schoolchildren. Thereafter these trips to the north halted. Eleven years later Henry Hudson tried to find the northern passage, under the auspices of the London Muscovy Company. His first voyage, in 1607, was of an unprecedented foolhardiness: instead of sailing around the pole via the east or west, he tried to go across it. He came within six hundred miles of the pole, he defied storms and even a whale that tried to surface while under his ship, but in the end he noted wryly in his log: “This morning we saw that we were compassed in ice in abundance… And this I can assure at present…by this way there is no passage.” His second expedition in spring 1608 via the northeastern route also failed, after which his patrons deserted him. When the Dutch Consul in London got wind of this predicament – knowing some in conversations with our undaunted explorer. Their exchange of ideas encouraged both Hudson and Plancius tremendously, especially in their speculation on the existence of a relative “warm” polar region. Hudson thought he had seen grazing animals in the far north on previous expeditions, and there were reports about an open sea around the pole. At the same time as their discussions were occurring, a diplomatic intrigue was unfolding. The huge success of the Dutch East India Company had come to the attention of the French King, Henry IV, who wanted of expand and modernize French trade with a similar enterprise. He had sent expeditions to Canada, but more recently the monarch was intent on Asian trade, possibly via a still-to-be discovered northern route. The French ambassadors in The Hague tried to ferret out as much information as possible from the Dutch – just as Dutch sailors and mapmakers had done earlier with the Portuguese; they even managed to pump Petrus Plancius for particulars. But their biggest ally turned out to be Isaac Le Maire, the rich and embittered Amsterdam merchant, co-founder of the Dutch East India Amsterdam merchants were still interested in the northern passage – he referred Hudson to them. Thus our sailor set sail from London, in the spring of 1608, for the Netherlands, at the request of the Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East India Company. For Dirck Van Os and his fellow merchants, a northern passage was once again high on their agenda–this time not for nautical reasons, but to stay ahead of all possible competition, from within as well as from outside the Republic. The facts were that the Dutch East India Company possessed exclusive rights to trade with Asia via the southern routes, but everybody was free to make an attempt by way of the north. Documents show this had worried the Board of Directors for years. So they were interested in Hudson’s expedition chiefly for political reasons: a northern passage could be hazardous for their lucrative trade monopoly; consequently they had to be the first to find one. They also knew that if a peace treaty was signed with Spain, they would be forced to find an alternative route to Asia. Petrus Plancius had his own motives. In Amsterdam the famed cartographer was finally able to compare theory and experience put their plans in a whole different perspective. When the Dutch East India Company got wind of Hudson’s double play, they used this opportunity to sign a contract with Hudson. Alarmed, the French King sent Le Maire a vast sum of money to also persuade Hudson to sign a contract, but it was too late. Henry Hudson would set sail under the flag of the Republic, but just barely. History easily might have taken another course. It was a period of historic fault lines, that winter of 1608 into 1609, as tensions mounted between old and new, modernity and tradition, in ways that would determine the course of history. The plan to construct the canals of Amsterdam was one typical outcome of the fast accumulation of wealth and the style of the 17th century. Canals were an inventive way to create boulevards along which the citizens would parade, while they would also provide a system of transport and reservoir of the polder water. With this urban plan Amsterdam had to become an ultramodern city with – unique for that time- separate working and living districts. At the same time it remained an old-fashioned water city, in the middle of a swampland, and the street pattern of Company, who was expelled from the enterprise. Le Maire saw the French initiative that would diminish the monopoly of the Dutch East India Company as the perfect vehicle for revenge. The Dutch East India Company directors were very much aware of this possibility, which fuelled their sense of urgency. Le Maire, who knew exactly why Hudson had been summoned to Amsterdam, approached the sailor directly. Records of a French ambassador show that Le Maire did everything in his power to encourage Hudson to join the service of King Henry IV. Hudson didn’t decline initially, and he openly shared with the French the same information he gave to the Dutch East India Company. Thus a silent war over the explorer took place that fall of 1608. Although the Amsterdam chamber of the Dutch East India Company wanted to send Hudson on his way, despite certain hesitations, they needed permission from their colleagues in other parts of the country, especially from Zeeland. And Le Maire had to suspend talks with Hudson too, since the French rightfully assumed the anticipated armistice with Spain would hurt the Dutch East India Company, without French intervention. This armistice would had the final word; no single authority existed. As in all the political institutions of the Republic, members of the Dutch East India Company were zealous about “common consent,” or unanimity and consensus. Even as early as the 17th century the Dutch had an uncontrollable inclination to assemble and to “polder” or debate until consensus is reached. This inclination based on the collective decision-making they were accustomed to as they worked together to reclaim their wetlands, or polders, in order to develop more usable land. Everything revolved around the art of persuasion, convincing others through debate. A form of democracy prevailed, at least in theory; the Dutch parliament granted the Dutch East India Company rights of monopoly; in turn the Company had to offer the opportunity to all citizens of the Republic the right to buy stock certificates of ownership. Of course, this wasn’t always the most efficient method for decisive exercise of power. And that’s why the Amsterdam chamber of the Company nearly missed out on Henry Hudson, because they had to wait for permission from Zeeland. But such problems were usually resolved in a flexible way, with the almost innate tendency to compromise, the future workman’s district, the Jordaan, neatly copied the clever rhythm of polder pathways and ditches that had been the pattern since the Middle Ages in Holland. Despite the breach with the past, the urban society also maintained strong medieval traits. The guild associations continued to exist, as did numerable charitable institution. Since those institutes had to serve a much bigger city than medieval Amsterdam, they grew into– for that time – enormous sizes. The Aalmoezeniersweeshuis, an orphanage, frequently lodged more than eight hundred orphans at public expense. The Dutch East India Company functioned with the same dualism. On the one hand the Company ranked as the world’s biggest enterprise during the 17th and 18th centuries, but at the same time it was run like a medieval polder household. It’s no coincidence that hardly any names of individual entrepreneurs and merchants of the famous 17th century ended up in the history books because power lay in the hands of a collective: the assembly of the Heren Zeventien; the seventeen gentlemen. This board was made up of eight members from Amsterdam, four from Zeeland, and five administrators of smaller cities. Nobody disposal, well equipped with a crew, provisions and other necessities. He would have to depart in early April to search for a northern passage, round the north of Nova Zembla and then travel southwards again, en route to Asia. Subsequently he would have to return and pass on “all journals, courses, maps and everything that had happened to him during the voyage, without holding anything back.” The modest ship he was allocated was the Halve Maen, Half Moon, a triple-masted yacht of 85 feet (26 metres), with a crew of sixteen men. For the entire expedition, his pay was eight hundred guilders at a time when the monthly salary of a captain in the merchant navy was between fifty to sixty guilders. Should he not have returned within a year, the Dutch East India Company would have paid two hundred guilders to his wife, and with that sum be relieved of all further obligations. Thus our sailor departed from Amsterdam on the 4th of April 1609, to set sail two days later, on April 6, from Texel Island into the North Sea. Three days later the delegates from Spain and the Republic signed a twelve-year armistice. A definitive peace settlement was delayed because to scheme, to plot strategies. The established order, which was for the general good, must be preserved. The polder had to remain dry. The appointment of Henry Hudson was completed in the twilight of the backrooms of the Dutch East India Company filled with compromise and fait accompli. If it had been up to Zeeland, as documents later show, the Company would have severed all contacts with Henry Hudson when they discovered his dealings with the French. Hudson also had “big disputes” with quartermaster Dirk Gerritszoon about the pay for some English crew members who would sail with him. Hudson is starting “to mutiny, even under our eyes,” the Zeelanders wrote to their colleagues in Amsterdam. “Imagine what he will do when he is far away from us.” The Zeeland chamber wanted to press on with the northern expedition but only under command of “an able, wise and experienced person.” Their objection arrived too late: on the 8th of January 1609 the Amsterdam administrators, lead by Dirck Van Os, energized by their rivalry with opponent Le Maire, had already signed the contract with Henry Hudson. According to this deed Hudson got “a small ship or yacht” at his had kept his honor. The clergyman and mapmaker Petrus Plancius would, together with the stern and powerful merchant mayor Reynier Pauw, in later years play a major part in the fall of Grand Pensionary Van Oldebarneveldt and thereafter in his execution on charge of “high treason” in 1619. The events read like a Shakespearian tragedy. But religious issues, as often in the Netherlands, only seemed to predominate. Underneath the veneer of religion lay commercial motives. Pauw and his followers turned against Van Oldenbarneveldt and his peace policy mainly because a treaty with the Spaniards was commercially inconvenient for them. Not until 1648 would Amsterdam agree to a peace treaty. In the years to come Amsterdam would blossom into the seventeenth century version of New York, a city of novelty, bubbling with life and creativity, linked with all parts of the known world – if only for a while. For his part, Henry Hudson Hudson sailed off into the sea. Never again would he return to Amsterdam. the Netherlands did not want to abandon trade with Asia and America. Only for the duration of the armistice, the merchants of the Republic were prepared to maintain the status quo and refrain from setting up a separate West Indian Company for North and South America. That Company was founded as soon as the armistice with Spain ended. Hudson’s immediate patron, merchant Dirck Van Os, embarked – among many other activities – on a golden career as a polder governor of “his” polder, the Beemster. Another patron, Arent ten Grootenhuys, is portrayed proudly in front of his company of riflemen in a painting in the gallery of the Amsterdam Historical Museum. Their opponent, Isaac Le Maire, left the city two years later after his speculations misfired. Later he founded an Australian Company, a counterpart of the Dutch East India Company, and a newly discovered strait near Vuurland, at the tip of South America, was named the Strait Le Maire. On his tombstone in the town church of Egmond-Binnen he had inscribed that he had been “blessed abundantly by the Lord,” because though he had lost more than one and a half million guilders in thirty years.

The Accidental Legacy of Henry Hudson By Russell Shorto

 unforgiving universe of heaving seas and low sky, the crew – half English and half Dutch – became bitterly divided. Mutiny darkened the air. Their objective was to find a shortcut to the riches of Asia. The instructions from their masters, the Dutch East India Company in Amsterdam, were unusually clear: they were to take a northeast route, skirting the pole, through the icy waters of northern Russia. The contract specifically ordered their captain that he “think of discovering no other routes” than this. What was to be done now? Turn around and head back to port, admitting failure? Push onward somehow, into an increasing likelihood of death? A wise old historian once told me that his greatest professional frustration had to do with the one-word question why? Historical records – immigration forms, ships’ logs, wills – give us names, ages, deeds, but rarely explain why people emigrated, explored, loved, went to war, and otherwise made important decisions. We know a lot about the human past, but often people fail to record this simple thing, the most human thing, the key to our dreams and our inner hearts. Henry Hudson, English explorer, left t was getting harder to stay alive with each passing hour. Somehow, amid the pitching of the waves, the first mate managed to pick up a pen to scratch the date – the nineteenth of May, 1609 – and record a few words in the log: “Much trouble with fogges, sometimes, and more dangerous of Ice… with much wind and snow and very cold.” They had been at sea more than a month – sixteen or so men in a small wooden ship – at first uneventfully, but as they edged toward the pole, heading northeast along the coast of Norway, they sailed into “close stormie weather,” and as it intensified the men approached the limits of endurance. Alone in an behind no direct answer to the question of why he did what he did during the course of his adventurous life. We are left to surmise it from the deeds themselves and the way he conducted himself. And yet, I think we can get a pretty clear idea of what drove him across the globe, of the force that impelled this dark, brooding, dogged man and led him – albeit unwittingly – to alter the course of human history. This was not the first time that Hudson would be faced with near-mutiny, and it would not be the last. There was a grimness about him, a hard inexorability. Some explorers from the great era of discovery were outsized personalities. The Italian Giovanni Cabotto (aka John Cabot), for example, regaled citizens of his adopted city of London with flamboyant tales of his exploits, and promised people he met in pubs that he would name newly discovered islands after them. Hudson exhibited no such charm. His chief trait was constancy: he was an unrelenting hunter, a seeker after the scope of the earth. His one dream was to find a short route to Asia. And he was willing to do almost anything to achieve that dream. He had previously made several attempts of stupendous effort, including trying to sail straight over the North Pole. Now, amid the noise of wind, he told his crew that he would violate his orders, change course and sail the little vessel westward – across the Atlantic. Based in part on letters from his friend John Smith, who was even now fighting for survival along with other members of the Jamestown colony in Virginia, Hudson had become convinced that the best chance of success in the quest to reach the Sea of Japan was straight through what we now know to be the staggeringly vast expanse of North America. The absurdity of this is mitigated somewhat when we consider that at the time the best calculation of the size of the earth was still that of the Greek geographer Ptolemy, who had estimated it to be about one-third smaller than it actually is. So it was reasonable for a mariner like Hudson to reckon that the portion of the earth no one knew about – the American west and much of the Pacific Ocean – simply didn’t exist. Further, John Smith had told him of a channel somewhere to the north of the Virginia colony that cut through the land mass. This, Hudson concluded, must be a path between the Atlantic and Pacific. In today’s terms, his idea was that he would sail a channel that cut through the northeastern states of the United States and, instead of reaching, say, Ohio, he would find himself bearing down on the Japanese coast. The boldness, the epic pig-headedness and determination of men such as Hudson beggars the imagination today. There on the deck of the Half Moon, amid the roiling gray-black waters of the North Sea, he convinced his men that he was right. It would have been relatively easy for them to believe him: they were programmed to think their captain was a special human being, someone who knew things, and there would surely have been great comfort in yielding to that trust. Only Hudson himself would have known how flimsy was the foundation for his belief. So they changed everything and set off on a new course, straight across the Atlantic – and, as they say, into history. This improvised part of the voyage was far less treacherous. By the second of July the had reached the great fishing bank off Newfoundland. From there they veered southward, and continued all the way to presentday Virginia, where Hudson’s friend John Smith was. Hudson didn’t venture into the Chesapeake Bay, however, but headed back northward, on the lookout now for the channel that he believed would lead to Asia. They found one likely candidate – the Delaware River – but it was too shallow. On the fourth of September they entered “a very good Harbour” where they caught “ten great Mullets, of a foot and a halfe long a peece, and a Ray as great as foure men could hale into the ship.” It was New York Harbor. Because the river they then followed – which would of course later take its name from Hudson – is a tidal river, and thus salty, Hudson had reason to believe he was in a channel between two oceans. The whole region enchanted them. “The River is a mile broad,” the first mate wrote, and “there is very high Land on both sides… The land is the finest for cultivation that I have ever in my life set foot upon.” They encountered natives in several places, and traded with some and fought with others. They continued past Manhattan Island and on up, all the way to north of present-day Albany, before realizing that the bed was narrowing and the water no longer salty. This was not the route to Asia. Hudson gave the order to turn about. They sailed back to Europe. In England – where Hudson had put into harbor en route back to the Dutch Republic – a new adventure began. Hudson was arrested for having sailed “to the detriment of his country.” His ship’s log was confiscated. Spies circled around his crew, sniffing for information. Hudson’s account of limitless timber, of beavers and foxes, of a world-class harbor, got the attention of the English rulers, and also of Dutch merchant-adventurers, who began to plan expeditions to explore the new region. Hudson himself, however, had little interest in these things. For him, North America was merely a vast obstacle in the path to the true goal. By the next sailing season he had won new backing, from England, and set off again toward North America, this time in search of a northwest passage he expected to find at a higher latitude, through northern Canada. He cajoled and tonguelashed his crew through more hellish expanses of ice, refusing to hear their growing chorus of laments, until, finally, on June 22, 1611, the men, weakened by scurvy and hunger, had had enough. At the far southern edge of the vast stretch of icy water that would later become known as Hudson Bay, they set Hudson, several crewmembers who had remained loyal to him, and Hudson’s young son John, who had chosen the wrong voyage on which to accompany his father, into the ship’s small accompanying shallop. Sometime after the mutineers set sail they could see the shallop behind them sailing gamely, but the small boat was not meant for sea voyages; in time, the rebel sailors lost sight of it. They returned to England, and were soon embroiled in court cases. Henry Hudson – who would make history of a kind he had never imagined – died an icy death, a victim of his own obsession, having failed to achieve the only objective that ever mattered to him. Probably it was not two individuals but two small groups of men who met on a quietly fateful day in 1626 in a roughly constructed fort on the edge of the limitless expanse of North American wilderness. One comprised Dutch soldiers. The other was made up of Mahican Indians, their hair long and “coarse as a horse’s tail,” as one writer would put it, and likely wearing deerskins tied around the waist. In the years immediately after Henry Hudson’s voyage, on the basis of which the Dutch Republic laid claim to a wide swath of the eastern seaboard of the North American continent, a few Dutch expeditions reached the area, charting and doing small amounts of trade with native groups. Then, in 1621, with the end of a 12-year truce in the long war of independence the Dutch were waging against the Spanish Empire, a new concern was established. The Dutch East India Company – which had funded Hudson’s voyage – had proved very successful at doing business in Asia. Now the newly formed Dutch West India Company hoped to do the same. Its mission was twofold: to extract products from North America as well as the Caribbean and South America, and to fight the Spanish in those regions. It was in this context that the WIC organized a colony in the region sailed by Hudson, using his voyage as the basis for the Dutch claim to the area. They called the colony New Netherland. In contemporary terms, it stretched from Albany, New York, to the Delaware River in the south, and comprised all or parts of five future American states: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Delaware. Beginning in 1624 and 1625 the first groups of settlers and traders went out from the United Provinces (as the Dutch Republic was also called). The Dutch idea of laying claim to territory involved occupation, so even though these first settlement groups were tiny – numbering in the fives and tens – they were spread out across this vast region: a few up the North River (which would later be named the Hudson River), a few further south on the same river, a few at what they called the Fresh River (later the Connecticut River), a few more at the aptly named South River (now the Delaware). They built very primitive homes by digging pits, lining them with wood and covering them with bark, and got to work clearing and tilling land and establishing relations with the Indians with whom they would trade for beaver and other pelts. All went reasonably well the first year. Then one day in 1626 the Mahicans came into Fort Orange, the Dutch settlement far up the North River, and made a proposal to its commander, Daniel van Crieckenbeeck. The Mahicans were in a longstanding, on-again, off-again feud with the Mohawk Indians. The Mahican leader proposed to Van Crieckenbeeck that the Dutch and Mahicans enter an alliance; each would help the other if attacked. Since the Dutch traded with the Mahicans, Van Crieckenbeeck thought it a sound idea, and agreed. Shortly after, seven Dutchmen joined a Mahican party as they marched into the forest to scout the Mohawk. A battle ensued, and four of the Dutchmen, including Van Crieckenbeeck, were killed. News of the killings rippled through the farflung Dutch settlements, and caused a panic. To the south, another group of settlers was clustered on a dot of an island in the harbor that the Dutch called Noten Island (later Governor’s Island), which had been picked out to be the capital of the colony. There had been minor turmoil here, as the settlers were unhappy with their leader. They chose a new one, named Peter Minuit, and at around the same time news of the Indian killings to the north reached them. Minuit acted almost at once. He had realized both that Noten Island was too small to serve as a base and that the idea of spreading tiny groups of settlers across hundreds of miles of territory was foolhardy. The Indian attack spurred him to action. He recalled all the farflung settlers, and he repositioned them, together, on the larger island a stone’s throw from Noten Island, deciding that it would better serve as a capital. The Indians called it, in their language, “island of hills,” or Manahatta. Shortly thereafter, Minuit negotiated a treaty with the Indians for it. This treaty was long ago lost, but some months after this historic event occurred a ship from New Netherland arrived in the Dutch Republic bringing word of it. A Dutch government officer named Peter Schaghen documented the contents of the ship, and wrote a letter giving government leaders the news. The so-called Schaghen letter has become one of history’s more remarkable documents, for it indicates so sharply and prosaically this moment in time: High and Mighty Lords, Yesterday the ship the Arms of Amsterdam arrived here. It sailed from New Netherland out of the River Mauritius on the 23d of September. They report that our people are in good spirit and live in peace. The women also have borne some children there. They have purchased the Island Manhattes from the Indians for the value of 60 guilders. It is 11,000 morgens in size. They had all their grain sowed by the middle of May, and reaped by the middle 53 | The Accidental Legacy of Henry Hudson of August. They sent samples of these summer grains: wheat, rye, barley, oats, buckwheat, canary seed, beans and flax. The cargo of the aforesaid ship is: 7246 Beaver skins 178½ Otter skins 675 Otter skins 48 Mink skins 36 Lynx skins 33 Minks 34 Muskrat skins Many oak timbers and nut wood. Herewith, High and Mighty Lords, be commended to the mercy of the Almighty, In Amsterdam, the 5th of November Anno 1626 Your High and Mightinesses’ obedient, P.Schaghen It wasn’t a “sale” in the European sense; Minuit surely knew that for the Indians the 60 guilders’ worth of goods he gave (which a 19th century historian famously calculated at 24 dollars) was not an outright payment but a token of alliance. The Indian idea was of a defensive alliance: the Europeans would be entitled to use Manhattan Island, and at the same time if either side was attacked the other would come to its aid. Thus reformed, the colony of New Netherland began to grow. More settlers arrived. The capital at the southern tip of Manhattan – appropriately named New Amsterdam after its parent city – became a city, if a rough and motley one. Streets were laid out, houses went up (with proper Dutch gables). There was a church and a fort – and a remarkable number of taverns for so small a place. Indeed, New Amsterdam quickly developed a reputation for semi-lawlessness. It became a base for prosecuting the war against Spanish ships in the Caribbean: Dutch captains who were authorized to take Spanish and Portuguese prizes – legalized piracy, you might say – brought the captured ships to New Amsterdam. Some of them contained slaves, which is how slavery began on Manhattan. Fullfledged pirates became part of the community as well. Prostitution was a mainstay. Indeed, one of the legendary couples of New Amsterdam comprised a Dutch-Moroccan pirate named Anthony Van Salee (a.k.a. The Turk) and the town’s first prostitute, Griet Reyniers. In a nice microcosm of the way the colony would mature, after causing moral outrage for some years, this couple eventually became leading citizens: they married, had four children, became one of the principle landowning families of Breuckelen (later Brooklyn), and spawned generations of New Yorkers. New Amsterdam stayed stagnant and semilawless for years after its founding, largely because the West India Company maintained a monopoly on trade. No one was allowed to make money from trading with the Indians unless they were acting as WIC agents; but the WIC’s structure was too rigid to allow it to exploit the colony. In the vacuum, smuggling became a main occupation. Finally, in 1640, the company gave up its monopoly, and from that date the colony began to flourish. Trading firms in Amsterdam set up branch offices in New Amsterdam. Individuals went out among the tribes along the Hudson and Mohawk rivers and struck deals. More ships appeared in the harbor. New Amsterdam began to grow. Then it all collapsed. In a reaction to minor skirmishes with Indian groups, the director of the colony, Willem Kieft, decided to declare an allout war on the natives. Settlers were outraged. For one thing, they were vastly outnumbered by the Indians. For another, they were there to do business with them. But Kieft persisted, and sent WIC soldiers on brutal raids. In reaction, Indians attacked European settlements, burning and killing. “Kieft’s War” brought the fledgling colony to its knees. Most importantly for history, it convinced the inhabitants of New Amsterdam that they could not expect the WIC to look out for their interests. They appointed a group of nine men as their representatives. The WIC sent a new director to the colony, a vigorous, disciplined company man named Peter Stuyvesant. Immediately on his arrival in the spring of 1647, the nine unofficial representatives of the community – led by Adriaen Van der Donck, a young lawyer who had trained at Leiden University, the premier academic institution in the Dutch Republic – put their case before him. Stuyvesant and Van der Donck locked horns, Stuyvesant insisting on his right to run the colony by fiat, Van der Donck urging the newly evolving rights of individuals. At the climax of the confrontation, Stuyvesant ordered Van der Donck put under house arrest, and even threatened to have him executed for treason. Ultimately, Van der Donck was released, and he led a delegation to the Dutch Republic, where he put the case of the colony before the government in The Hague. His appeal was that the government take direct control of the colony. He asked the rulers to recognize the value of this real estate they controlled. It sat alongside the vast North American wilderness, which in the coming decades could become a source of untold wealth and potential. All the Dutch leaders had to do was realize this, and assert their rights to it. If they did not, Van der Donck warned, the English – who had colonies at Virginia to the south and New England to the north, and whose members were already encroaching on New Netherland – would eventually take over. The members of the government took Van der Donck seriously; they ordered Stuyvesant’s recall, and considered ways to reinforce the colony. But almost immediately after, the English government launched a trade war against Dutch interests, and the order was rescinded. The only part of the order that remained in effect was one that granted New Amsterdam the status of an official Dutch city. But that order would have lasting significance – the chartering of New Amsterdam in 1653 remains the official date of New York City’s chartering – as indeed would the colony as a whole. One of the unique features of the Dutch Republic in the 17th century was its mixed character. Over the previous centuries, the “Low Countries” had become the melting pot of Europe. Dutch cities had unusually high concentrations of minorities. In an age of religious strife, it was almost universally held that a nation should be of one people and one faith. Intolerance was thus official policy in England, Spain, France…but not in the Dutch nation. There, tolerance became a topic of political and religious debate. Tolerance was adopted as policy – not as a grand ideal, but as a way to deal with the mixed character of the population. This had its roots in the previous century, when the Dutch provinces suffered violence under the Spanish Inquisition; one result was the declaration in the Union of Utrecht of 1579 that “each person shall remain free, especially in his religion, and that no one shall be persecuted or investigated because of their religion.” This clause would have considerable consequences in the New World. For one thing, it helped ensure that right from the start the colony was a mixed community, comprising Germans, Swedes, Italians and others. Then too, several times Peter Stuyvesant tried to bar groups from settling in New Netherland on the grounds that their religion would bring unrest. In 1654, Jews appealed his ruling in the home country and won. Then when English Quakers wanted to settle in the village of Vlissingen (called Flushing by the English) on Long Island, Stuyvesant again tried to bar them, and the English inhabitants also appealed his ruling. Tolerance – “the glory of the Outward State of Holland,” in the words of the petition – meant the Dutch colony should allow all religious groups to settle. Again, the Dutch authorities sided with the petitioners. This document, called the Flushing Remonstrance, has gone down in American history as the originating source of religious freedom in the United States. In 1664, Adriaen van der Donck’s fears were realized. An English gunboat flotilla entered the harbor and took aim at the fort at the tip of Manhattan Island. Stuyvesant reluctantly gave up his command and his colony. New Amsterdam became New York City. Beverwijck, the second city, 150 miles upriver, saw its name changed to Albany. Dutch rule in North America came to an end. As far as American and Dutch history was concerned, the Dutch legacy in North America also came to an end in 1664. As the American colonies developed, they were seen as English in language and culture. In 1776, when those colonies declared their independence, it was an all-English affair: Anglo settlements breaking free from England. The Dutch presence was by then a distant memory. But the influence of the Dutch presence continued. That influence is still apparent in many small ways. Americans eat cookies instead of bisquits because the Dutch of New Amsterdam made koekjes. The American Santa Claus has its origins in the Dutch Sinterklaas. The word “boss” entered the English language via the New Netherland colony from the Dutch baas. More significantly, the Dutch Republic in the 17th century pioneered concepts of business and trade, including the idea of shares of stock to reduce risk, as well as the notion of tolerance as a social glue to undergird a mixed society. Both of these features – free trade and an immigrant culture – took root in New Amsterdam, and then in New York. They ensured that as New York developed under English rule, it would be a very different place from Boston, Hartford, or any other city in English North America. When hordes of European immigrants arrived in the United States in the 19th century, they landed largely in New York. They looked at its teeming society – its dense immigrant mixture and its vigorous pursuit of trade – and took that combination to be quintessentially American. As they moved westward – to Ohio, Indiana, Montana, California – they brought the idea with them. In this way did the willfulness of Henry Hudson, the legacy of New Netherland, and the deeds of Stuyvesant and Van der Donck – not to mention Anthony Van Salee and Griet Reyniers – evolve and spread, as the song says, from sea to shining sea. And where are we now? Is it possible to follow a thread that runs from that past into our present: that connects Henry Hudson to the 21st century? Thanks to Hudson, the city of Amsterdam bequeathed a legacy to New York, centered on the idea of tolerance, and in so doing spawned a new type of society. Is that legacy still apparent in the two cities? In one sense there is reason for skepticism. With the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks (and it’s worth noting that the World Trade Center towers stood at the edge of what was once New Amsterdam), New York changed, as did much of the world. American society hunkered down; so did Dutch society. In Amsterdam, there was for a time a new inward-looking posture, and a sharp rise in anti-immigration sentiments in what has long been Europe’s most tolerant society. But in a larger sense, have things really changed so much? If you look carefully at events in the 17th century, you find that the Dutch invention of tolerance came about in the midst of enormous upheaval and turmoil. The course of that century was one of religious warfare punctuated by periods of peace and prosperity. It was in those tranquil periods that Dutch society, feeling secure, developed and encouraged the idea of tolerance of others. Then, with the advent of war, society closed down, became more conservative and fearful and restrictive. The same cycle has occurred in our time. We live in a period of transition, of questioning of old verities, a time of hopefulness freighted with anxiety. But for all the anxiety, the fruits of 17th century Amsterdam and New York are fully evident in the 21st century cities. Turbans and yarmulkes, Cyrillic and Cantonese, turmeric and clove: the cityscape is a palette of tolerance. But is this not the palette of every modern city? Indeed it is, and there lies the larger point to be made: these features that Amsterdam in some way pioneered in the 17th century, and transferred to New Amsterdam, and from there to New York, making for the first multiethnic New World city, are ubiquitous now. They are part of every modern city, part of the definition of modern society. We might consider that that is what began in 1609, with the unlikely, brooding, mist-shrouded figure of Henry Hudson, and the development shortly after he passed from the scene of a brashly multiethnic and freetrading city on a blank slate of an island. “How beauteous mankind is! O brave new world, that has such people in it!” So extolled Hudson’s contemporary William Shakespeare in The Tempest, composed right around the time Hudson was freezing to death in Canada. The term “new world” became fashionable in the era, and was applied to the Americas. Today we all live in that new world, regardless of our continent. How bravely we do is up to us.